CEPD was a leading research body and think-tank in education, contributing to policy development and The Centre for Education Policy Development (CEPD) is a professionally autonomous, independent trust, governed by a Board of Trustees. It was established in 1993 during the dying days of apartheid, in order to develop alternative education and training policies that would serve a future democratic South Africa.

The black-white joint councils appeared under a variety of names - Europeans and Africans/Non-Europeans/Bantu/Natives, according to the accepted nomenclature of the time. There were, in addition, Coloured-European and Indo-European joint councils. In only two instances did a joint council include Africans, Europeans and Coloureds (Bloemfontein and Umtata) and in only one case (Johannesburg) was there a separate council for European and African Women.

The joint councils owed their inspiration to two Americans, Dr. James Aggrey, who was black, and the Rev. Thomas Jesse Jones who was white. They came to South Africa in 1921 as members of' a commission sent by the Phelps-Stokes Foundation to enquire into education for Africans. They were deeply distressed by the signs of racial tension and advocated the introduction of inter-racial councils which had proved successful in the American south. They persuaded black leaders and white liberals, in particular C.T. Loram {Chief Inspector of Education in [Natal) and J.D. Rheinallt Jones (Secretary for the Witwatersrand Council of Education) to form racially mixed councils, adapting, where available, the native welfare societies, composed solely of whites.

The first joint council was established in Johannesburg in 1921. Soon joint councils sprang up in other towns throughout South Africa and also in Southern Rhodesia and the need became obvious for a national organisation. This resulted in the formation of the South African Institute of Race Relations in 1929 but joint councils continued to exist. There was a close relationship between the Institute and the joint councils. The Institute's secretariat helped to send out circulars and Institute staff such eel J.D. Rheinallt Jones, Ngakane and A.L. Saffery travelled the country encouraging the formation of new councils and trying to resurrect defunct ones. Despite efforts to link joint councils by newsletters, conferences and the Consultative Committee, essentially each council operated on its own and stood or fell according to the enthusiasm of its members.

The people who participated in joint councils were mostly from the professions. There were clergy of all denominations, including the Dutch Reformed Church, and without their help the councils could not have survived. From the universities there were people like E. Brookes, M. Hodgson (later Mrs Ballinger), L.A. Hoernlee, D.D.T. Jabavu and W.M. Macmillan. There were lawyers like D. Molteno, O.D. Schreiner and W.H. Ramsbottom, journalists like R.T. Mackenzie, R.F. Selope Thema and H. Selby Msimang, civil servants like C.T. Loram and Major J.F. Herbst, municipal officials like G. Ballenden, head of the Native Affairs Department of Johannesburg City Council and businessmen like J.H. Pim and M. Webb.

The aims of joint councils were:

1. To promote the well-being of the Union and good relations between the European and Non-European peoples through discussion and practical co-operation.

2. To investigate and deal with any matter affecting the relations of the races.

3. To initiate or support measures for the amelioration of social and economic conditions, particularly within the Council's own areas.

4. To make representation on specific matters to Governmental and other authorities.

5. To publish the results of discussions and investigations on racial matters.

6. To enlighten the public and create a sound public opinion on racial questions.".

Fundamental to all these objectives was the fact that a joint council involved the races working together. While not achieving all their aims they were instrumental in having improvements made in the living conditions of Non-Europeans, particularly in having clinics, creches and schools built. They took a strong line on questions of broad policy issues such as the Colour Bar legislation and organised campaigns to make the people's feelings known to government.

The joint councils had varying fortunes from those which had only a brief existence to others which functioned far many years such as Johannesburg (1921-1955), Grahamstown (1921-1973), Port Elizabeth (1924-1952), Pietermaritzburg, (1927-1960) and Pretoria (1934-1963). Lack of visible achievements led blacks to withdraw from the joint councils and join political organisations. Nevertheless, the joint council movement was an interesting experiment in race relations, in learning to work together within the existing system to bring about changes.

The Commission was appointed in 1930 and headed by Dr. John Edward Holloway. The Terms of Reference of the Commission included an inquiry into "The economic and social conditions of Natives especially in the larger towns of the Union", which in essence was its main concern.

The Commission gathered its evidence mainly through submissions from all sectors of society and through public hearings throughout the Union of South Africa. The areas of inquiry were defined by a list of subjects, which were published in the Government Gazette and included amongst others: 'Tribal and Detribalised Natives', 'Land', 'Landless Native Population', 'Native Migrations', 'Native Agriculture', 'Rural and Urban Native Areas', 'Native Labour', 'Education of Natives', 'Native Taxation'.

Institution: ASSOCIATION OF PRIVATE SCHOOLS

Subordinate body: STANDING COMMITTEE OF ASSOCIATED CHURCH SCHOOLS

The Kairos Foundation (Stichting Kairos) was founded in 1970 as a support group for the Christian Institute in South Africa, whose general secretary was anti-apartheid activist Dr CF Beyers Naude. Kairos, a Greek word, means 'time is running out'. Until 1990 most of Kairos' attention focussed on violations of human rights in South Africa and mobilisation of support in the Netherlands for sanctions and disinvestment.

In the 1970s and 1980s the organisation focused on the causes of apartheid with campaigns aimed at Dutch firms active in the apartheid economy. Other campaigns were aimed at forced removals, detentions, torture in detention, the death sentence, children, conscription and the activities of the security forces

Kairos' work was supported by many of the Dutch churches and there was co-operation from church circles in Southern Africa. Extensive contacts were made with black South African clerics studying in the Netherlands. Kairos mobilised attention on the disempowered and influenced public opinion through campaigns and publications

Through Kairos, many South African organisations channelled information to international organisations and the media. From 1996-1997, Kairos researched the assault and torture of political prisoners in the 1960s and 1970s for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

After 1990 attention shifted to the consequences of apartheid and support for the reconstruction of the country. Youth development was given considerable attention with training, conferences, support and specialist input from experts in various fields to organisations involved in the development of the youth.

In 2002, the Kairos Foundation closed its doors. Its resource and research material was then donated to the University of the Witwatersrand.

The construction of the Civic Theatre was approved by the Johannesburg City Council in the early 1960s. The theatre was completed in 1962 and its main goals were based on education and promoting the public interest in drama, opera, ballet, music, painting and other kinds of arts as well as subsidizing these productions and performances. The official opening of the theatre took place on the 27th of August 1962. The first manager and administrator appointed by the City Council, Michal Grobbelaar served as the head of this institution until 1993. One of the first performances included opera followed later by dramas, ballets and musicals. For a long time the theatre was unfortunately segregated and the performances were accessible mainly to white South Africans. This situation only changed in the 90s. A very important fact in the history of the theatre occurred in 1964 with the establishment of the puppet Marionette Company to offer performances for children. In the mid 1980s the complex needed renovation and reconstruction. The reopening of the newly renovated theatre took place in 1992. The Johannesburg Civic Theatre had been transformed into a body more representative of the whole population of the city. The newly appointed director Janice Honeyman in 1996 launched an ambitious programme of productions brought to the theatre by promoters and outside producers. International musicals and works of local artists were presented at the theatre. The children's theatre, an art gallery and a series of restaurants provided a high standard of entertainment to visitors at the theatre. At a later stage continued financial pressure forced management to implement painful cost-cutting exercises. The City of Johannesburg made some important decisions concerning the future of the Civic Theatre which included: separating it from the City Council, appointing a new Independent Board of Directors and reconfiguring the theatre into a house able to accommodate productions brought in by the independent producers. The Main Theatre was renamed in 2001 as a Nelson Mandela Theatre. At present the Johannesburg Civic Theatre has seven five-star venues of which three are private dining rooms available for hire. The Civic Theatre is one of the best venues of live entertainment and is rated amongst the best theatres of South Africa.

The International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa started its activities in the aftermath of the 1956 Treason Trial as a support network for the 156 trialists and their families. Later in 1965 it became an international organisation, which provided outstanding financial support for the defence of many political activists and for the families of political detainees and prisoners inside South Africa. The organisation published numerous material in the form of photographs, books and films about the Apartheid system in South Africa.

The Sociology of Work Unit (SWOP), now referred to as the Society, Work and Development Institute, is a research organisation, which is housed at the University of the Witwatersrand.

SWOP was established in 1983 as a post doctoral project of Professor Edward Webster as a result of researching working conditions in foundries. Having analysed the records of the Iron Moulders Society, which indicated a very high incidence of respiratory diseases caused by the dust, he came to the conclusion that the way work is organised affects the health of workers. At the time Professor Webster was approached by a group of young engineering students as to whether there could be a collaboration to analyse the technical side of work. This led to the set up of the Sociology of Work Project (SWOP), linked to the NGO, the Technical Advice Group(TAG) that the students had set up.

SWOP grew from strength to strength. In 1995 it was established as a Unit but kept the acronym. In the late 1990s research was broadened, in order to focus beyond work to look at the relationship between work and society, as well as broader issues of economic and social development. And in 2007, when the University recognised SWOP as an Institute, the name was changed to "Society, Work and Development Institute", to reflect more accurately its broader focus. Nevertheless, it was felt that, since it had become known as SWOP, it should retain this brand name and call itselves the SWOP Institute.

From 1904 onwards many attempts were made to bring about unity in the trade union movement by forming federations. The most successful of these early federations was the South African Trades and Labour Council (SATLC) which existed from 1930-1954, having been reconstituted in 1949. It did not, however, include all trade unions; some remained independent and some were members of other federations. Its existence as a multiracial organisation was threatened by the government's decision to segregate the trade union movement. SATLC strongly objected to the statement by the Minister of Labour, Mr B. Schoeman, on 13 March 1953 that "The policy of the government is that there should be no intermingling of Europeans and Non-Europeans in trade unions". The government then amended the Industrial Conciliation Act in such a way that trade unions would be divided according to race and certain jobs be reserved for Whites.
In reaction to this legislation and, realising that individual protests would be ineffective, a Trade Union Unity Committee was formed in February 1954 which called a Unity Conference in Cape Town for May. Representatives of more than 230,000 workers of all races met and gave the Unity Committee a mandate to set up a national trade union coordinating body. At the second Unity Conference held in Durban in October agreement was reached on a constitution and on 4 October 1954 the South African Trade Union Council was born with 61 unions representing 223 741 members. SATLC dissolved leaving the field to the new federation which, in 1962, changed its name to Trade Union Council of South Africa (TUC SA).
Unity had been achieved but at the expense of excluding Black unions from the new federation, although the constitution made provision for them to join at a later date. This in fact happened twice in 1962 and 1968 when TUCSA resolved to include Black unions but was forced to reverse the decision by pressure from the government and its own conservative White unions. It was 1974 before Black trade unions were finally admitted by which time they had become disillusioned with TUCSA. By steering a middle course TUCSA had pleased neither the conservative right nor the radical left.
In 1958 TUCSA briefly joined an all-embracing federation, extremely conservative in character, called the South African Confederation of Labour but from the beginning differed greatly from other members on important issues such as the recognition of Black trade unions. Matters came to a head when the Confederation decided to seek registration under the Industrial Conciliation Act and at a special conference held in September 1958 TUCSA resolved to withdraw from the Confederation.
Over the years TUCSA continued to work for Black advancement, encouraging the growth of Black trade unions and the formation in 1959 of the Federation of Free African Trade Unions of South Africa (FOFATUSA) for those Black unions which did not wish to join the radical South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU), formed in 1955 when TUCSA ceased to be multiracial. TUCSA representatives served on various public bodies. TUCSA maintained international links with the International Labour Organisation and with the trade union movements in Britain, Germany, America and elsewhere.
TUCSA's chief executive was its General Secretary, with considerable freedom to speak on TUCSA's behalf. During the 32 years of its existence, TUCSA had only three General Secretaries,
Dulcie Hartwell 1954-1962
Terence O'Donoghue 1962-1964
James Arthur Grobbelaar 1965-1984
Conferences were held annually, delegating power to the National Executive Committee (NEC) to implement Its resolutions. In turn the NEC, which met quarterly, delegated responsibility to the Officers Committee which met monthly. The NEC also appointed committee: for specialist subjects such as African Affairs, education, housing and human rights. Head Office had a library, an Economic Research Bureau, a training department and a centralised public relations service. To help affiliates, Head Office issued memoranda and pamphlets on various subjects and published a Newsletter, in turn named Saamtrek, Unitas and Labour Mirror. The country was divided into five regions, Western Province, Eastern Province, Border, Transvaal and Natal, to coordinate the activities of workers in these areas.
At the height of its power in 1983 TUCSA had 57 affiliated unions with a membership of 478,420 but, when it dissolved three years later, there were only 32 unions representing 170,000 members. There were several reasons for this dramatic drop in membership, financial as well as political. The increase in affiliation fees and the withdrawal of some of the services offered by TUCSA owing to financial stringency caused some affiliates to feel that there were no benefits in retaining membership. TUCSA was attacked for its conservatism, its failure to support the call for May 1 and June 16 to be statutory holidays and to condemn detention without trial, its alleged cooperation with the government and its opposition to sanctions on South Africa by other countries. It was condemned for its lack of leadership, exacerbated by the death of its General Secretary, J.A. Grobbelaar in 1984, leaving a vacuum at a critical time. There were several efforts to find a successor which proved fruitless.
In 1985 TUCSA initiated discussions with affiliates and others to try to find the reasons for its failure but, during 1986, it became clear that the Council could no longer continue as a viable organisation. At a special conference on 2 December 1986 it was formally dissolved.