Civic associations in South Africa has been central to citizen's participation since civics have been central player in establishing a tradition of activism in civil society.

The government created Advisory Boards in 1950 as structures in these townships to represent residents.

Due to internal problems these Advisory Boards were replaced by the Urban Bantu Councils in 1967. This form of representation was also opposed by the black urban residents. As a result in 1977 the Urban Bantu Councils were replaced through the promulgation of the Community Councils Act, which provided for fully elected councils which were again opposed by the black urban residents and councilors

Following the recommendations of the Riekert and Cillie Commissions of Inquiry into the causes of the1976 uprising and the need to improve the living conditions in the black urban townships, the Community Councils were replaced by the Black Local Authorities in terms of the Black Local Authorities Act of 1982.

This new form of representation also aroused dissatisfaction among residents because it was unable to deal with the problems of housing and municipal services. Civics organised boycotts of elections of Black Local Authorities and Community Councils, more than a half a million households heeded civics call to refuse to pay rent to townships authorities.

Civic associations were formed as a response to these forms of representation that the government had established for black township residents. There was dissatisfaction among the residents about these structures (Cloete et al, 1991: 168).

The residents complained that their grievances were not being attended to and the conditions in the townships had not improved. The civic associations were then formed by the residents with the intention of unilaterally replacing the structures created by the government.

Civics in South Africa

Civics date back to the late 1970s and early 1980s as a result of issues in townships around daily living and working conditions. From the early 1980s many radical township-based local associations were formed. Some 200 civics were active in the townships of many cities and towns as well as in the rural villages, including the former TBVC states.

According to Heymans (1993:4) these civics were affiliated to one of the following 13 regional civic associations, which are: Transkei, Border, Eastern Cape, Northern Cape, Western Cape, Southern OFS, Northern OFS, Southern Natal, Northern Natal and the Midlands, Natal Coast regions, Southern Transvaal, Northern Transvaal and Eastern Transvaal.

Civics and the United Democratic Front

The formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 was both reinforced and stimulated by the growth of community organisations. Upon its formation the UDF took upon itself the task of campaigning against the tri-cameral constitution and the problems in African townships. Civics played a leading role in the UDF campaigns.

Civics became the central players in the Vaal uprisings of September 1984 in the West Rand townships, the Eastern Cape struggle that began February and March 1985, the consumer boycott that spread from the Western Cape and the long term rent boycotts that crippled local government in Transvaal, Orange Free State and Northern Cape (Swilling, 1993:18).

Upon its formation, the UDF did not have any discernible ideology of its own because it wanted to attract as many organisations as possible. Since a few individuals serving on the executive of the UDF were identifiable with the ANC, the UDF moved closer to the ANC than other liberation movements. Its attempts to be ideologically neutral were compromised by the pressure of these individuals in its midst.

Although civic associations did not produce documents identifying them with the African National Congress (ANC), through their pronouncements and links with the UDF they were associated with the congress ideology.

It would not have been easy for the civics to try and renounce the Freedom Charter while being an integral part of the UDF and none of the civic associations raised an objection when the Charter was accepted by the UDF.

However, since their inception civic associations have been at pains to distance themselves from the ANC because members of other organizations argued that the civic movement was sectarian by aligning itself with one political liberation movement. It can be argued that while in theory the civic movement might have been ideologically non-aligned, in practice it was aligned to the ideology of the congress.

The civic associations made common cause with political organisations, hence Botha (1992:10) points out that the history of the civic association is inextricably bound to the struggle for the dismantling of apartheid institutions.

The Formation, Organisational structure and objectives of the South African National Civic Organisation (SANCO)

After the unbanning of the ANC and the disbanding of the UDF, hundreds of ANC-sympathetic civics came together in 1991 and were co-ordinated in South African National Civic Organisation (SANCO) based on 13 regions.

Moses Mayekiso became the first president. The establishment of SANCO implied that civic associations had to disband and be replaced by SANCO branches; for example the Tembisa Civic Association gave way to the SANCO-Tembisa branch.

The organisational structure of SANCO is subdivided into provinces, regions and branches.

Among the aims and objectives of SANCO were:

To effect empowerment and capacity-building through projects, programs, campaigns, education and training?

To represent its members and negotiate on behalf of its members in dealings with other parties, organisations or authorities on any matter affecting their interest

To comment on, advance or propose any law, action or policy of any authority affecting the interest of members?

To institute legal proceedings and any other action on behalf of its members, and to defend residents? legal interest, either individually or collectively

To co-operate with other progressive and civic organisations both locally and internationally who have similar aims and objectives?

To conduct, co-ordinate and publish research on socio-economic and political democratic development and any other matter affecting members and residents

To establish and promote community projects and co-operatives which are in the interest of the community

To enter into any contracts on behalf of its members with third parties in order to provide benefits for its members

The constitution adopted by SANCO at the conference on 14 February 1993 required that all local branches should dissolve their own constitution and refrain from any local negotiations with municipal authorities, cease all local fund-raising because funds would be collected nationally and subsequently allocated to branches. The official ideology of SANCO depicts civics as independent, non-party political formations that will remain rooted in ?civil society?, rather than becoming contenders for local, regional or national governmental power (Swilling, 1993:1).

Upon its formation, the leadership of the newly-formed community organisation insisted that the movement should refrain from pledging loyalty to any political party. However, at its November 1993 conference, SANCO resolved to support the ANC in the 1994 election campaign (i.e. contrary to the sentiments raised during its formation).

A SANCO / ANC summit was convened in February 1997 to address the deteriorating relations between the two organisations.

SANCO has became an organisation at crossroads and in a bid to save the movement, the leadership has recalled its former president Mayekiso from parliament to head its business arm SANCO Investments Holdings (SIH) which was formed in 1996 and generally to beef up the organisation.

In October 1997, the Transkei SANCO's regional leadership announced its secession from the national organisation, citing its dissatisfaction with the organisation's ANC ties, promising to support independent candidates in the 1999 elections and complaining about the dropping of the RDP in favor of GEAR (Gumede, 1997:5).

After 1994, SANCO found itself with the difficulty coming to grips with post-apartheid politics. The space for protest activities became more constrained. As a result SANCO, became a civic body marginalized by government. SANCO was particularly criticized for continuing rent and bond boycotts.

According to Hlogwane, the organisation's decision to align itself with the ANC was necessitated by the demise of apartheid, where the ANC, and SANCO in particular pledged to improve social service delivery in townships. However, in the new dispensation, civics spent most of the last five years fighting for survival. The post-apartheid era conjured up problems they found difficult to cope with. Lack of income for civics in the post-apartheid era has pushed them into a state of near paralysis.

Without a specific role, civic leaders found it difficult to convince donors to fund the organisation.

Despite all the problems suffered by SANCO in post-apartheid South Africa, it has once again endorsed the ANC in the coming local government elections.

The sentiments raised by Hlogwane at the SANCO / ANC summit in 1997 and reports that suggests SANCO might transform into political organization because of the inability to play a meaningful role in post-apartheid South Africa, and their support to the ANC in 1999 local government elections

It is evident that SANCO is facing a serious challenge which is threatening the organisation?s survival. SANCO has once again put itself in an unfortunate position by endorsing its support to the ANC in the 1999 local government elections. SANCO, which was expected to play a watchdog role, seems to have failed in its endeavor to find a meaningful role in post-apartheid South Africa.